Overview

Görlitz is an industrial town built on the River Neisse, approximately 50 miles east of Dresden, and though it now lies within the borders of Poland it was part of Germany before and during the war. Very well served by road and rail connections, the town was home to 95,000 people during the war and was prominent in the iron and glass trades. During the 1930's the Hitler Youth established camps and built barracks outside of the eastern suburb of Moys, but when the war began these buildings were converted into the prisoner of war camp that became known as Stalag VIIIA.

1940 - The Beginning

The first group of prisoners to arrive were all Polish, and by June 1940 there were 15,000 of them at the camp employed in the building of further barracks, but they were gradually drafted elsewhere to be used as labourers. The camp had grown to accommodate 30 barracks, each of which in the most dire of circumstances could house 500 men, 15,000 in total, and so when 40,000 French and 8,000 Belgian soldiers arrived over the summer there was gross overcrowding and many of them were compelled to sleep outside in tents, with only the most primitive facilities available to them. By the end of the year 56 barrack huts had been built, including two large kitchens, 14 of the barracks were reserved for the guards and the Command Post. The process of housing prisoners in these new barracks began in December 1939 and by the end of 1940 tent accommodation was no longer necessary. It had been intended that the Stalags VIIIA, B and C would hold only prisoners of a specific nationality, Belgians, British and French respectively, however as time wore on the practicalities of doing this led to the plan being abandoned. 

1941 - Cultural Improvements

By February 1941 all of the Poles had been removed from the camp and only a few hundred French and Belgians remained. These were left behind because they either worked in the camp, were too sick to work, or had refused to work, and together they set about improving the conditions. With the addition of a stage, Hut 27B was transformed into a theatre during the first few months of the year, 28A was converted into a Roman Catholic chapel, 28B became a lecturing hall but only for classes by German teachers and in their language, a canteen was open for business, and a POW Hospital was opened in Görlitz in August. By this time a number of nationalities in addition to the French and Belgians were taking up residence in the camp; Russians, Czechs, Serbs, and also 20 British prisoners who were passing through the camp before being moved elsewhere.

On a bitterly cold night on the 15th January, with temperatures sinking to -4°C, Olivier Messiaen's masterful and harrowing composition of Quatour pour la Fin du Temps (Quartet for the End of Time) was given its debut performance before an audience of POW's. Messiaen, a French prisoner, had conceived and penned the work at Stalag VIIIA, taking inspiration from the Book of Revelation and his desire to escape the misery of his situation. "We were 30,000 prisoners (French for the most part, with a few Poles and Belgians)," recalled Messiaen. "The four musicians played on broken instruments: Etienne Pasquier's cello had only 3 strings; the keys of my upright piano remained lowered when depressed...It's on this piano...that I played my Quartet for the End of Time, before an audience of 5000 people...Never before have I been listened to with such attention and understanding." The scale of the audience is believed to have been wildly exagerrated and the real figure was between three to five hundred. The hour-long piece consisted of eight movements for violin, cello, piano, and clarinet, all of which were available to the musicians at the camp and Messiaen had deliberately written his composition around them. Quartet for the End of Time has since received great critical acclaim and been hailed as one of the most brilliant pieces of the 20th Century. For further information, go to www.oliviermessiaen.org.

1942 - Education

The prisoners succeeded in gaining more flexibility in the lecturing hall and were permitted to appoint instructors from within their own ranks, and so qualified men began to lecture other interested prisoners on subjects such as Language, Maths, Science, and Law. Due to the mix of prisoners and dialect, the neutral language became German.

1943 - The British Arrive

Stalag VIIIA welcomed its first permanent British and Commonwealth prisoners on the 19th September 1943. The Allied invasion of Italy had resulted in prisoners being removed from the country to German camps, and a train-load had arrived from each of P.G. 52 (Chiavari), 57 (Grupignano), and 82 (Arezzo), carrying 2,500 men in all. Many of these men had been captured in the fighting across North Africa and so had acquired much experience of POW life and knew how to make conditions more pleasant than they would be for the uninitiated. The camp authorities at Görlitz had received little notification that such a large group of prisoners would be arriving, and as a consequence there was overcrowding. The problem began to ease very quickly as the new arrivals were sent away to work at some of the Kommandos, and before long the British and Commonwealth population at the camp itself had been reduced to a more manageable 1,000 men, and everyone had a bunk. Red Cross parcels were not expected to arrive for a long while, but in the meantime the Belgians and French were most generous and handed over food, cigarettes, and blankets from their own stock. Initially, although within the same compound, contact between the British and the other nationalities was not allowed, however this policy was waived in time and all prisoners were able to mix freely and enjoy the same facilities.

The administrative machine of the British had kicked in the minute they had arrived with commanders selected to represent each barrack, and groups established to ensure the distribution of food, Red Cross parcels, and letters, while services such as cobblers, tailors, barbers, carpenters, and hygiene inspectors also arose spontaneously. Less vital but nonetheless important groups sprung up devoted to entertaining the men and making sure that there was always something available for them to do; such as the usual sports and theatricals, through to educational facilities, a library, arts and craft facilities, gardening, and a church. The British "Man of Confidence" was RSM J. J. Rossouw, with RSM W. F. Van Winsum acting as Camp Sergeant-Major.

1944 - Helping Hand

By September 1944 the British population had reached 1,300 with a further 2,000 or more working in the Kommandos outside the camp. Specifically the British contingent was comprised of 470 British, 400 South Africans, 330 New Zealanders, 90 Australians, and a hotchpotch of others. Red Cross parcels had been arriving regularly until August and the prisoners had been able to live as well as could be expected, but by the end of the year the deliveries were becoming increasingly scarce until none got through at all. The Russian prisoners had no Red Cross organization to support them and so the British shared with them what they could spare from their parcels. In the final few weeks of the year 1,800 US troops arrived at the camp in a far from handsome condition, and so a similar effort was mounted, this time with the permission of the Kommandant, but it was clear that what the British could spare would not be enough.

1945 - Forced March

As the Red Army continued its relentless advance through German occupied territory, camps in the east were evacuated and its occupants forced to march westwards, and a great many men from Stalag 344 arrived at Görlitz, having endured appalling winter weather. On the 14th February the evacuation of Stalag VIIIA began when a large group of US soldiers with 140 British were marched off, followed on the next day by a further 1,200. On the 17th February a Hospital train whisked 700-800 sick prisoners away to Stalag XIB, while the small number for whom room could not be found proceeded on foot or on the back of horse drawn carts. This process continued until the camp was empty and abandoned, however a few prisoners had hid themselves in it to await the arrival of the Russians and their freedom.

The number of men which Stalag VIIIA and its Kommandos held is not certain. Over the duration of its life the camp was noted by the International Red Cross to have held 21,784 Frenchmen, 5,254 Belgians, 2,365 Yugoslavs and 65 Poles. It is pure speculation but it is believed that as many as 100,000 Polish prisoners may have passed through the camp at some stage or other. The amounts of Russian prisoners held is equally vague, but it is known that 16,000 of them died from disease or malnutrition at Görlitz, and they were buried in mass graves at the rear of the camp.

The Camp and Daily Life

Stalag VIIIA was surrounded by a double row of barbed wire fencing, around which were placed 10 watch-towers. Inside the Main Gate there stood 2 Command Post huts and the 12 barracks which served as the guards quarters, interspersed with various sheltered areas for men to stand unexposed to the elements. The ground that encompassed the camp was approximately 74 acres in size and split down the middle by a straight road running from the Main Gate to the only other access point, near to the Chapel. On the northern side of this road was the compound that was home to the British, French, Belgians and Serbs, while to the south lay the Russians and Italians. There were 40 barracks in all, as well as other buildings which served as the administrative office, storerooms, cookhouses, a jail, disinfestation block, and the two infirmaries. There was a further hut, surrounded by a fence, which held those prisoners who were awaiting trial for one crime or another, such as escape, and though it was not necessary for them to be distinguishable from the rest their one trouser leg was painted red.

The barracks measured 50 x 10 metres and consisted of a brick floor which had been laid on unleveled ground, nine foot high walls made from brick and plaster, a weather-proof roof, and a plasterboard ceiling. The only means of entrance was a door at the front, immediately beyond which were two flanking toilet rooms. The bunks were three-tiered and each hut was suitable for the accommodation of 350 men, though in extreme circumstances a further 150 could be crammed in. At the centre of the room there stood a large tiled stove. Near to the middle of each hut were two washrooms, one of which was larger than the other and contained three double-troughs with a tap, while the smaller room held two singles and in some cases also a copper trough for the purpose of boiling clothes. The prisoners removed the single windows in the huts during the summer to improve ventilation, but during the winter those in the washrooms had to be kept closed and sealed with leaf mould to prevent the water pipes from freezing. Deep trenches served as a sewer to conduct waste water beyond the camp.

The German method of disinfestation favoured gas, and all prisoners had to surrender their clothes, blankets, and personal kit for cleaning every three months, whilst those who had been marched to the camp from another were compelled to put theirs through this process immediately. The men themselves were allowed hot showers twice per week.

Daily Life

A typical day would commence at 05:30 when hot water could be brought from the kitchen to make tea or coffee, but it was not necessary to wake up until 06:45 when the Check Parade was called. Breakfast would follow, after which the prisoners were free to indulge in whatever pursuits they thought fit until lunch, which was dished out from 10:00 onwards. Following this the men went back to their business, and the day might culminate with a play or film, or a big football match that would be watched by a large crowd. The day officially ended at 22:00 when the lights were switched off.

Getting News

Getting news of the war and events in the wider world was a great problem, not least because there was a ban on any up-to-date news being circulated around the camp, for Guards as well as prisoners. The Germans distributed two newspapers amongst the British, "The Camp" and "POW News" while others were circulated to the French and Russians, though all were riddled with Anti-Allied propaganda and as such were regarded by the prisoners more as a source of light humour than a real indication of what was going on back home.

The only way to get a balanced view of the situation was to listen in on the British, American, and Russian news broadcasts. The men who had been sent to work in Kommandos were the richer in this respect because they had access to radios, and if they also had access to a bribable Guard then this news could be smuggled back to Stalag VIIIA. After much trouble the men at Görlitz successfully constructed two of their own radio sets, making use of a valve from one of the film projectors in the cinema, as well as other items which were either invented in-house or blackmailed from a guard. From this point onwards the prisoners were able to pick up news from the BBC, New York and Moscow, and reports were circulated from hut to hut and read out each night to the assembled throng. Radios were illegal items inside Stalags, and for reasons of security those who were "in the know" as to where the radio was situated were few and far between. If a careless prisoner informed a guard of an item of news that he could not have possibly known without there being a secret radio in the camp then the Gestapo would make an immediate sweep. The radio that was based in the theatre was discovered during such a raid, as were two operators who were listening to the BBC at the time and for their crimes they were sent to another camp. The other set, buried in a plastic bag beneath a seed box in one of the gardens, remained undiscovered in spite of the odd close shave. On one particular raid the prisoners were forced to stand outside in freezing conditions for hours while the search was carried out. Lances were used to probe the gardens, and one of these came within 8 inches of striking gold.

The procedure of listening to the radio was as follows: the guards were accustomed to prisoners collecting some vegetables from the garden to take to the hospital, and so getting the radio from the seed box along with a token supply of greens was not frowned upon. On the way to the hospital the man carrying the radio would stop for a rest at the Parcel Store where the bundle was placed against the store wall, end on, whereupon a flap in the wall would open inwards and the radio would be retrieved, unseen, and used. Once the operator was finished, the radio would then accompany the vegetables to the hospital, after which it would be returned to its place beneath the garden. Sometimes the vegetables were returned as well, but the guards never noticed.

Food

As with most camps any attempt to prepare food was commonly restricted to boiling a number of ingredients into a soup. Space was in the kitchen was restricted, but they were equipped with 200 and 300 litre boilers which were heated by steam so that the food would not burn. From here the food was emptied into tubs capable of holding 42 servings of soup or 80 jacket potatoes, which were usually served once or twice a week. In all the cooks could produce 4,650 litres each day which would serve an almost equivalent number of men.

Hot water was issued at 05:30, ¾ litre per man per day, and this could be used for making tea or coffee, or for washing clothes. Following Check Parade the prisoners would make a cup of tea to accompany their breakfast, a slice of bread. At any time between 10:00 and 16:00 a soup would be served, and for Tea the prisoners finished off any bread they had spared from the morning, mixed in with something from their Red Cross parcels.

Boiling water at irregular times was a problem at all camps until the invention of the Blower, which unlike other methods developed into a highly economical and effective manner of cooking. The standard device in operation at Stalag VIIIA was manufactured by Ian Stewart and Mac McClintick, and its primary components were empty tins; 2 cocoa tins, 5 Klim tins, 8 butter tins, 1 biscuit tin, and 2 New Zealand chocolate tins. It took the pair four hours to make a single Blower, which they sold at the price of 80 cigarettes. The Company slogan was "No job too big, no job too small!!", and the two men went on to produce a range of functional and extraordinary items for everyday camp use, including a lathe for the cutting of wooden wheels.

Religion, Gardening and Sport

Religion

Before September 1943, when the British arrived, the dominant religion in the camp was Catholicism. In 1941, Hut 28A was converted into a Chapel from where Father Henry Duthoit conducted regular services whilst enjoying the support of the Diocese of Cambrai. In time several artists had decorated the Chapel with a number of fine works, including a depiction of the Last Supper above the High Altar. Following their arrival, British Catholics were incorporated into the now well-oiled system, however their unexpected arrival had caused a major overcrowding problem and until many of these men had been sent away to Kommandos they had to make their beds wherever there was space and shelter, and this included the floor of the Chapel.

All of the British padres, because they held officer ranks, were quickly transferred to one of the Oflag camps, and so Sergeant Whitton took it upon himself to lead Protestant services. As they had no permanent base for the purpose, the congregation assembled wherever space could be found and at no set time. Initially hymns were written on blackboards and sung along to the sound of an accordion, but by November 1943, thanks to the YMCA and the Chaplaincy Service to POW's, they were able to supply both bibles and hymn books. The French and Belgian Protestants in the camp were most co-operative and supplied wine and other necessary apparatus so that within two weeks of the first service the British were able to hold Communion. In February 1944 Corporal Pretyman had assembled a choir, and before Easter Padre Jenkins arrived, followed in June by Padre Wrigley. Together they did much to improve the quality of life for their parishioners, and also led services for Serb prisoners of the Greek Orthodox faith, prompting a bond between the British and Serbs.

Gardening

In April 1944 the British obtained permission to use a triangular section of ground, covering about an acre, for the purpose of gardening. Seeds were generously donated from growers in Britain, via the Red Cross, and almost immediately 350 plots were allocated, to be managed however the owner chose. A few spades were issued by the Guards, but most of the tools had to be improvised by the gardeners. A section of the allotment grew mustard, cress, and various crops such as radishes, cabbages, lettuce, spring onions, carrots, tomatoes, potatoes, beetroot, and silver beet, to improve the diet of the patients in the Infirmary.

Sport

There was plenty of ground available to the residents of Stalag VIIIA, and they made full use of it. During the early days the French and Belgians had dug and levelled a near full-size football pitch, together with a basketball and two volleyball courts. Tennis was also played though it never took off as a fiercely contested event which aroused the spirits of the prisoners. With the international flavour of the camp it was common for one country to play another, or a team which consisted of the best of the rest.

When the British arrived there were a number of spirited Rugby matches, keenly endorsed by the New Zealanders, however this did not become a regular fixture because the ground was very hard and injuries were commonplace. The first International game was held in the winter of 43/44 and saw the Anzacs battle hard in the snow for an 8-0 victory over an Anglo-Springbok side. Easter brought an all-Kiwi match between the North and South Island, which the North won 13-5. The last game of the season was played in April between New Zealand and the Rest, where the Kiwis again proved their dominance with a comfortable 14-3 win.

In return for introducing them to the delights of Rugby, the French and Belgians instructed their Commonwealth friends in the rules of Basketball. Barely any who fought under the British flag knew how to play the game and regarded it as something for girls, however their interest grew after an introduction when they realized that required a lot of skill and could get very physical. Various international matches were played, and in time the Commonwealth teams began to beat their teachers, and also a league was created which consisted of teams representing various huts. Volleyball was one of the more popular sports in the camp due to the high number of people who were willing to play it, and as such it required two leagues and extra courts had to be dug and levelled.

Of other sports, Baseball had been learned in Italy and was greatly anticipated in the run up to the summer months, however the equipment was quick to wear and impossible to replace so it did not take off as much as was hoped. Boxing and Wrestling were practiced, as was Table Tennis.

During the Summer of 1944 the football pitch was converted into an athletics ground where various track and field events took place, including running, long jump, and javelin. Enthusiasm for the meeting was very high, and all the competitors were suitably attired in their national colours or those of their particular hut. On the 26th May the day was won on points by the Anzac team, followed by France, Belgium, England, and South Africa. The Australian and Kiwi voices were noted as being amongst the loudest, and according to reports they shook the heavens when Ken McInnes broke Stalag VIIIA's 100 metre record by finishing in 11.2 seconds.

Summer also brought Cricket to the camp, but as with baseball, finding the necessary materials was something of a problem. However the stumps were manufactured in-camp, balls were created using the string and wool in old socks, and using well-watered clay and a roller they succeeded in producing a satisfactory wicket to play on. To ensure everyone was happy, the players were divided into those who were good cricketers and those who merely wished to swing the bat in every direction and have a bit of fun. An A and a B League were formed to cater for both styles, and both leagues were won by the occupants of Hut 34B. A two day test match followed in September 1944 between the Anzacs and a South African team, which featured a token Englishman. The conditions were ideal and a large crowd turned out to witness the Anzac win. In the crowd, as always, there were the "crows" who were ever ruthless when it came to barracking a moment of bad play.

On the much less physical side cards were a night-time favourite, and during long and cold winter nights, Bridge competitions were arranged. There was even a beer drinking contest, naturally held unofficially, however it failed to produce a clear winner because everybody consistently demanded a re-match.

The Arts, Theatre, and Music

The Arts

On the 1st and 2nd July 1944, an arts and craft exhibition was held in an empty hut to showcase the talents of the prisoners. Portrait and landscape painters had worked in oils and watercolours and achieved most impressive results, whilst illustrators had been equally successful with magazine cover or poster artwork. The crafts section consisted of most anything that had been manufactured in-camp, from needlework and various utensils through to house models, engineering drawings, and furniture made from the wood of Red Cross packing.

Theatre

The British prisoners had brought a few instruments from Italy that they had received through the Red Cross, and so at a much earlier stage than was their previous experience, they were able to put on a show to make for a welcome diversion on an otherwise dull evening. The French and Belgians had converted Hut 27B into a theatre, but it was fully booked for the first few months and the British were unable to squeeze in a show until Christmas 1943. "Gay Time" was chosen, but producer Ralph Griffin had only 15 days to arrange and rehearse, at a time when the acting talent available to the British huts had yet to be tested, but nevertheless the play was a success in spite of the snow outside and the cold wind coming through the broken windows. More performances did not follow until February, due once more to the problems to securing theatre time. "Here We Go" on the 21st and 22nd March 1944 was conceived in January and had faced many production problems, grappled with by G. Skinner and E. Randall, but the show was a fine success and proved that soldiers could dance.

Some of the actors were deeply interested in their work and used the experience of Stalag theatre to hone and showcase their talents, which they might not have had the opportunity to do were they free men. Aside from the writing and performance aspect, a great deal of backstage work had to be done to ensure that the production was a success. The Props Room, masterminded by Roly Hunter, was a hive of creativity and home to any scraps and odds and ends that they could lay their hands on, legally or otherwise. Using only what many would describe as junk, they were able to create realistic props, from jewellery, clothing, plants, and cocktail shakers, to suits of armour and furniture. If they were asked to provide an unusual item at the last minute, it was always in place by the time the curtain went up. The Lightning Department did not exist as such to begin with and it detracted from the overall quality of the production, however Ollie Squirrell stepped forward and was not only able to deal with cabling and switches, but also manufactured anything from light dimmers to neon signs.

Ted Pearson wrote his musical farce, the Bumbles of Bumbleton, in less than six weeks and also composed six of its 30 songs. Fred Coley took care of the orchestration, as he did for a great many other shows, and it ran from the 25th to the 27th April and set the benchmark for all performances thereafter. June brought "Melody Parade", which was a show totally focused on the musicians, partly to bring their talent to the fore but also to give the other performers a break. "Whizz-Bang", "Ermatrude's Follies", and "Choose Your Shoes" were all fast paced revues which combined a great many Variety disciplines and enabled the subject matter to be thrown wildly around, from Dutch ballet one minute to a scene involving Maoris the next.

Several dramas were also attempted, in spite of there only being a few men in the camp whose acting abilities were especially noted, that it was not guaranteed that audiences would flock to see a serious work, and in addition that the plays were restricted in terms of props and the small stage. However these fears proved unjustified after the debut drama was aired in the form of Noel Coward's "Blithe Spirit". The lead role was taken at the last minute by the producer, Dan Bosman, who gave a great performance, ably supported by Arthur Arnold, Jim MacFarlane, Bill Bicketstaff, Charles Louisson as Madame Arcati, Len Wear as Ruth Condomine, and Les Davidson as Elvira the Ghost. Bosman returned in equally capable form in April, playing "Rough" in Patrick Hamilton's thriller "Gaslight", produced by Phil Parker. The part of Manningham was wonderfully portrayed by Herb Whitten, and though much of the cast were new to theatre they managed to carry the suspension through to the end. The high production standards continued with "Once A Crook", Youth At The Helm", Noel Coward's "Hay Fever", and the American comedy "The Milky Way". There was also "The Man Who Came To Dinner", however during Dress Rehearsal it was announced by the camp authorities that all stage performances were banned. The organizers obtained permission for a single showing half an hour after the end of the Dress Rehearsal, but without their consent another performance followed half an hour after the other had finished; it was a great feat for the cast to perform the play three times in quick succession without much rest. Six weeks later the ban was lifted and "The Man Who Came To Dinner" was given a second run only for the ban to be enforced once more soon after, and though a few Variety performances followed, this was the end of Drama.

The following productions were staged by the British:

Music

Unlike most prisoners who arrive at a new camp, the British of Stalag VIIIA were lucky in that they were allowed to take with them the instruments they had acquired through the Red Cross in Italy, and music, whether in the form of an orchestra, choir, or boisterous sing-song, was a most popular manner of relieving the monotony. Even so, the initial lack of Red Cross support and the overcrowding problem resulted in nothing being held on a grander scale than the ever popular evening hut-concerts. Such entertainment was capably handled by either Eric Costello and his "Rhythm Boys", or Brian Miller and Legionaire Eresch with their "Metrognomes".

When Red Cross support came through it was invaluable in kitting out the camp with instruments, and in total over the period of their stay the British received: 9 saxophones, 4 trumpets, 1 trombone, 2 cellos, 2 double-basses, 6 violins, 1 viola, 4 clarinets, 1 flute, 1 piccolo, 25 piano accordions, 1 piano, 1 harmonium, 2 drum kits, and 250 mouth organs. In addition the Red Cross also supplied 25 gramophones and a range of records to play on them.

With these instruments, music began to take off during the first few months of 1944. Corporal Geoffrey Pretyman formed both of the two camp choirs; the Church Choir, established in February 1944 with a self-explanatory purpose, and the Concert Choir, who participated in any theatrical production where a choir was required. Also helping out in the Theatre was Fred Coley's Pit Orchestra. Coley also formed another orchestra, specialising in classical music, which due to the changing quantity of its members was known at various times as the Sextette, Septette, and Octette. Another classical group, the "Salon Orchestra" was created by Wilf Brunt in April.

Len Skane's "Camp Dance Band", also known as the "Empire Ambassadors", was formed in January and their every performance was heralded as a great success. So much so that in November they were allowed to go on a five-day tour and play concerts at Kommandos 12401 (a glass factory), 12402, 12403, and 12404 (all coalmines), and in so doing brought some cheer to the less fortunate men of Stalag VIIIA who had been put to work. The Ambassadors also played to the patients at the Görlitz POW Hospital, as did the "Septette", "Salon Orchestra", and "Metrognomes".

Education, K.G. Foundries, and the Swap Shop

Education

The prospect for starting educational classes was at first somewhat limited for the British in terms of space and materiel, however once the process of removing men to the Kommandos commenced this began to ease, and the Activities Committee formed the Education Sub-Committee, who oversaw all related matters. Thanks to a gift of books from Stalag VIIIB at Lamsdorf, the British were able to create the foundations of a library, which grew over time thanks to invaluable contributions from the Red Cross, YMCA, Colonial Houses, and various organizations such as the Sales Managers' Institute, the Institute of Certified Grocers, Pitmans, and the Royal Institute of British Architects, as well as donations from the prisoners themselves. The Library was based in a partitioned area at the end of Hut 33, neighbouring the barbers, sports store, carpenters shop, props room, and rehearsal room. At its height the Library held in excess of 7,100 books, two-thirds of which were distributed amongst the various Kommandos attached to Stalag VIIIA, to be read in the few hours that these men had for leisure. The books covered a wide range of subjects, from fictional works, a great many of which were set in the early days of the USA, to books on such subjects as town planning and a complete course in navigation.

With this necessary body in place, the Education Sub-Committee was able to contemplate setting up a Stalag University. Up until now one or two study groups had arisen of their own accord, but as all of the huts were in use it was difficult to envisage how something much larger could take off. As with most other activities, the British approached the French and Belgians to try and find gaps in their own timetables for which they could make use of their excellent lecture hall in Hut 28B. The University year began on the 8th February 1944, led by a group of eager and qualified lecturers who gave instruction to 400 men, expanding to 500 by the end of the month, and examinations were held in June and every three months thereafter. The courses available for study were as follows:

Languages - English Language and Literature, French, German, Italian, Afrikaans, and a study group covering Arabic.

Mathematics - Arithmetic, Algebra, Geometry, Trigonometry, and Calculus.

Accountancy and Commerce - Bookkeeping I and II, Advanced Accounts, Cost Accounts, Secretarial Practice, Economics, S.A.R. and H. Accounts.

Law - Company Law, S.A. Mercantile Law, Insolvency Law, English Law Group, S.A. Police Law.

Cultural, Professional, and Vocational Subjects - Logic, Geology, History, Geography, Automotive Engineering, Electrical Engineering, Agriculture and Animal Husbandry, Salesmanship, Shorthand (elementary and advanced).

Arts - Drawing, Painting, Commercial Art and Drawing.

In addition to these classes there were numerous and popular practical courses that taught Book-Binding, Dental Mechanics, carpentry, joinery, and First Aid which was taught by the British Medical Officers at the camp, on which students would be given a written and practical examination, set in Geneva, and it would earn them a St. John Certificate. The Dramatic Society held play-readings as often as they could in the much-demanded Rehearsal room. A sub-branch of the Society was the Shakespeare Reading Group who held meetings almost every week for those interested in dramatics, where readings took place as well as discussions on the history of drama and Shakespearian literature.

More for entertainment than anything else, the educational aspect extended to Inter-hut quiz nights, which was one of many activities intended to inspire a bit of interest on an otherwise dull night.

K. G. Foundries Ltd.

Just outside of Hut 34B, around secluded corner, there operated an illicit foundry. K. G. Foundries Ltd, ably managed by Joe Stratford, Hori Clark, and Peter Wootten, was established to provide replacement cap badges to prisoners who were missing their own. Existing badges were pressed into sand or soap moulds, while the metal was heated in an English cheese tin, and once cool, the badges were finished off with a bit of fine working using either a penknife or a file. Finding appropriate tools and materials was a problem that was only overcome through dogged determination. The initial casting material was lead, which in a former life had been a pipe beneath the sink in the German Electrician's shop, however in time more suitable metals became available and in greater number, and so the Foundry began regular Batch Production. The collection of tools grew impressively over time, though Gestapo searchers confiscated the lot when a mine detector found them buried in a garden patch. The Foundry recovered from this set-back and during its existence made approximately 2,000 badges using 80 different designs. Cap badges cost 30 cigarettes a piece, whereas collar badges were priced at 20.

The Swap Shop

Before the Swap Shops came into being, prisoners tended to form groups who shared their possessions for mutual benefit. Charles Coward arrived towards the end of 1944 from Stalag 344, and upon seeing the problem of many men going without, he asked for and was given permission to set up a Swap Shop. Thanks to help from those in the camp he was able to begin trading after only a few days, and his shelves were filled with examples of most anything that was in circulation, from clothes, belts, and razors, to pens and all kinds of food. As with most things the price of items was valued in cigarettes, but goods to the value of were swapped if possible. For example, if a man wished to buy butter and was willing to make a tin of milk last two weeks instead of one, he would effectively sell his milk to the shop for 35 cigarettes and buy a tin of butter for the same price, but as the shop had to turn a profit the owner was tipped 1 cigarette for the transaction. Profits went into the Camp Welfare Fund to be saved for a rainy day, a day which came when the Americans arrived in a very deprived state in the last few weeks of 1944, and so the shop donated all of its profits to them. The whole operation required simple yet thorough bookkeeping, and the books were regularly audited by the Camp Treasurer. The Shop opened at 09:00 and shut at 16:00, and since coming into being it had helped rid the camp of exploitation by the outside racketeers, and gave the prisoners much cause for delight.

Kommandos

Any prisoner below the rank of Corporal who was not otherwise employed in the camp was usually sent to a place of work, known as a Kommando, which was attached to and was reasonably close to the camp. The following Kommandos were a part of Stalag VIIIA:

The work that prisoners carried out at the Kommandos was largely of the heavy manual variety, typically with shifts of 8 to 10 hours per day, Sunday being a day of rest, though in the latter half of 1944 some Kommandos worked 12 hours a day and only every one in two Sundays was marked as a day off. Of all the types of work the coalmines were the most dangerous, however the overall risk of accident or injury was very low.

In the Summer of 1944 the prisoners received the following diet per day; 433g bread, 24g margarine, 35g potatoes, 39g meat, 40g white flour, and 50g sugar. Though there were a few exceptions, the living conditions for these men was not so bad, in spite of the poor sanitary arrangements, and for the most part they were clean and spacious, well ventilated in summer, warm in the winter, and the lockers allowed plenty of room for personal possessions and clothing, courtesy of the Red Cross.

In the main the attitude of the guards towards their prisoners was wholly satisfactory, but in the early days the French and Belgians had not had such luck. After 1942, perhaps with a sense of which way the war was heading, the Germans became much more reasonable in their behaviour, though they still reserved their contempt for the Russian workers who were given wholly insufficient nourishment and next to nothing besides.

As with those at the main camp, the Red Cross supplied the means necessary for sport and recreation to the Kommandos. Football, Volleyball and sometimes Cricket were played out of doors, while under a roof chess and cards were the order of the day, and at weekends all of the Kommandos had some form of Variety performance to look forward too.

No.10301 / 12402 / 12403 / 12404

'Our camp was on the side of a hill some two miles from the mine itself which lay down in the valley. Our barracks fortunately were new and the camp itself modern, with an excellent view of the surrounding countryside and plenty of fresh air. For the morning shift we were roused at 4.15 a.m. and left the camp at five o'clock, marching in summer and in winter scrambling through four or five feet of snow to the pit head. Changing into our working clothes we descended in the cage, some to the fourth level and some to the fifth. On the fourth level there was a walk of one and a half miles to the face, but a train ran the length of the working at the lower level where I got off, two thousand feet below, and went down another very wet shaft in another cage to the sixth level. Half a mile away was the coal face in a vertical shaft with a seam twelve inches to eight feet in width. At first the German miners drilled coal which we shovelled, but later we did our own drilling and timbering, as well as odd jobs everywhere - turning empty trucks for the return trip or watching conveyor belts as they ran.'

'Work finished, we returned to the lift shaft and rose to the surface at 2.45 p.m., handed in our electric lamps which weighed about eighteen pounds, had a shower and finally reached the camp at four o'clock. We had one day free every two weeks, or three weeks for surface workers, who also worked a ten-hour day and drew less bread. At first the conditions proved very depressing, but that did not last long; our own concert party was soon in action under the expressive title "The Moles".'

'Naturally no one ever wanted to work at all and frequently a foreman who discovered everyone sitting down would harangue us at some length with much gesticulation, provoking hilarious laughter from the culprits. This sometimes caused a free fight, and it was interesting to notice the change in the attitude of the German miners who later barracked hard on the sideline, cheering on the prisoners! Indeed, they followed go-slow tactics themselves, calling the foreman's bluff and abusing him to his face.'

'The snack at half-time in each shift was always an occasion for spreading what propaganda we could. The German worker's lunch invariably consisted on rye bread with a smear of margarine; ours was the same rye bread with butter and cheese, meat or fish, which did not pass unnoticed. For two small squares of chocolate a German would take over part of a shift. Once I saw a miner offered one small square of chocolate; he hesitated with it in his hand, then carefully wrapped it in a piece of paper and put it in his pocket for his children.'

'Our request for the twenty-four hours' weekly rest provided by the Convention met with a blank refusal. "We are quite aware that we are breaking the Geneva Convention and will take all responsibility." And then there was a Scots parachutist who had been reported by his German mate for refusing to work. "Why have you refused to work?", asked the foreman. "I hardly refused to work," came the reply in perfect German, "but merely took time off to state that it gave me the greatest displeasure to work alongside a German."'

'Being miners by compulsion, we had to carry the thing a step further and start a private enterprise. A tunnel was begun under the floor of our hut and reached out beneath the surrounding wire; propped and panelled with Red Cross parcel crates, and fitted with electric light, it was a beautiful job. A search for wireless sets in the compound led to its discovery -  just a few days too soon. We expected an eruption, but it was inspected by officials from near and far, whose only comment was, "You've made an excellent job of it and had a good try to get away, but you were just unfortunate. That's all, but don't do it again!"'

No.11101

'At the time I write of there were thirty British prisoners of war at a stone quarry which was about a mile from the little old-world village of Greiffenberg, twenty-five miles south-east of Görlitz. The quarry, which had been in existence about fifty years, was in a rise in the middle of a rolling farming area, and the general surroundings were very beautiful indeed during summer, but in the winter, when all the trees were stripped of their leaves and the whole countryside was covered in snow, it was a cheerless place.'

'The Lager was on the outskirts of Greiffenberg and was part of an inn known as Scholtisei. The living quarters consisted of a high-walled room with windows near the roof, affording us plenty of light and fresh air. In the old days this room had been used for dances, smoking concerts and the like, so we were certainly comfortable. Our beds were arranged on platforms about four feet above each other, running round two sides of the room, while in the middle of the room were four long trestle tables and benches used for messing. A large flat-type stove on one side was utilised for heating the room, the fuel consisting of a fair-sized barrel of coke issued to us and supplemented by coal, which we appropriated from the blacksmith's shop when necessary. Downstairs lay the kitchen and wash-rooms with a copper porcelain bath, enamel basins and a regular supply of hot water when we returned from work.'

'The food was fairly good and well cooked, particularly when our own cooks replaced the two German Fraus; it was quite obvious that the German women had been helping themselves from our rations, and truthfully we could hardly blame them. We received two meals and four hundred grammes of bread per day. Lunch, which consisted of soup of various thickness, was sent to our work, while in the evening we had either potatoes in their jackets or soup. On Wednesday and Sunday there was a fairly substantial meat meal, very often consisting of pork. Furthermore, we carried on a brisk bartering trade with the civvies for eggs and vegetables, and with our own regular Red Cross parcels nobody was ever hungry.'

'Working hours varied with the seasons. In mid-winter we worked from 7.15 a.m. to 4.30 p.m., while in summer we toiled from 6.30 a.m. to 5.15 p.m., with free week-ends from 1 p.m. Saturday to blue Monday morning. Approximately half the lager strength were involved in "stone-bashing" - a tiring monotonous job of breaking up stones with a sixteen pound hammer and loading into wagons of about a cubic metre capacity. Our quota was six wagons a day, but we seldom achieved this low figure in spite of periodical threats by the foreman. Speaking for myself, I found six wagons a day was quite enough (I only did it once), but others who had been at the work for some length of time and had become accustomed to the work contended that we were anything but overworked. The civilians, on the other hand, the majority over sixty years of age, filled ten to twelve wagons a day, but to them the work was easy and in the palmy days particularly agreeable. Outside our colony of "stone-bashers" our men were employed in the carpenters' and blacksmiths' shops, repairing wagons, and at the mechanical stone crusher, where the stone was broken down to various sizes ready for use on railway tracks or road building. The work at the crusher seemingly wasn't heavy but rather trying owing to the constant pall of dust, particularly in summer.'

'Our relations with the civvies were fairly amicable, and it was quite obvious that most of them were war weary and had lost all hope of victory for their cause. In every firm in Germany there was at least one Party man and he was supreme. At our quarry the Party man was only a humble stone-basher, but the head foreman was powerless without his consent, and permission to stop work owing to inclement weather could only be given by the Party man. The civilians were worse off than we were. Their earnings had no purchasing power, while their food was very poor, and we certainly took the gilt off the ginger-bread by preparing tasty meals before them from the contents of our parcels. Their day's work did not end at the quarry, for they still had to spend hours at haymaking, attending to their potato crops and doing other farm work. Like ourselves, they required a doctor's order before they could remain off work when ill. It amazed us how they performed all their tasks, particularly as the future was one of grave uncertainty with no hope of victory; for a supposedly cultured race it must have been galling.'

'Our leisure hours were spent on the village sports field, where either cricket or football matches were played. During summer we were able to go for walks on Sundays in the beautiful surroundings or swim in a nearby lake, very often ending up at an inn to drink beer and listen to the wireless. In the winter evenings we made use of a grand piano, a gramophone and sundry musical instruments or played billiards, ping-pong or card games. Altogether the lager was a very happy one, and I consider the time I spent there the happiest of my prisoner-of-war days.'

No.11502

'In the autumn of 1943 a working party consisting of English, Australian, New Zealand, and South African prisoners of war left Stalag VIIIA for the Luftwaffenbaulager in Weiswasser. Situated on the Berlin-Görlitz main line, approximately seventy-eight miles south-east of the capital, and famous in days of peace as the centre of Germany's glass industry, Weiswasser is a well-planned town boasting a population of fifteen thousand people. Lying within a pleasant girdle of pine trees, its cobbled streets and plain style of architecture depict the typical German town adopted by fiction writers. In appearance, the clean and neat homes of this industrial community are severe and conform strictly to one type.'

'To our pleasant surprise we were quartered in a restaurant known as the Schwarzen-Adler, on a site directly opposite the busy railway station and within ten minutes' walking distance of our place of work. We occupied three rooms, two of which were used for living purposes, while the third and largest formed our bedroom. The washing facilities were catered for in the cellar beneath the building and entered only from the yard. After much agitation a hot-water shower was installed in the bathroom, and whereas then we enjoyed the luxury of a daily shower, during our first five months there we could only obtain a weekly hot bath at a neighbouring Kommando. For the preparation of Red Cross food three stoves were available in our rooms, whilst the German rations were cooked in the kitchen of the erstwhile restaurant by two women employed by the Luftwaffe. The other rooms in the billet were occupied by the Kommando Fuhrer, the four guards, Red Cross food parcels and clothing stores. Under these conditions we enjoyed reasonable comfort, although the accommodation would have been better suited for thirty and not fifty men.'

'As the name implies the Luftwaffenbaulager provides principally for the electrical installations required in the construction of Germany's air fields. The buildings of the adjacent vinegar and glass factories, which were taken over by the Luftwaffe, are totally inadequate for the storing of the machinery, transformers, cables, insulators, globes, lighting, wiring and other paraphernalia which go towards making up one of the largest lagers of its type in the country. The sidings available for the railway wagons are very limited, and consequently much labour is entailed by the continual pushing of trucks to the few vantage points where they can be dealt with. Only recently, too, the apparatus at our disposal for the loading and unloading of machines has improved to obviate much of the weary man-handling. The work in fine weather is congenial enough, but in the wet and cold of winter months it became a trial. The hours of work are long and irregular, and most days we are at it from dawn to dark. In the summer work commences at 6 a.m. and one hour later during the winter months. Half an hour for breakfast and one hour for lunch are allowed us, whilst knocking off is timed at 6 p.m. in summer or 5 p.m. in winter, provided the wagons for the day have been finished. Every week-end we were called upon to work the normal hours on both Saturday and Sunday.'

'Although the monotony of the work is apt to pall, we do have our diversions. The tenor of operations does not run as evenly as Jerry would wish, but the repercussions for our "insubordinations" usually go no further than the threat of the Straf-camp. As British prisoners of war we demand, rightly or wrongly, under all circumstances, certain considerations, and I have marvelled at what the lads do get away with. This year of grace however is 1944, and perhaps the writing on the wall is more evident than in yesteryears. Despite elaborate precautions the job itself has proved a good starting-off place for the few who have attempted the long road back to freedom. We have also enjoyed a regular news service, and British resourcefulness has constantly shown its worth in keeping this community of Englanders exiled in the middle of Nazi Germany informed of the movements on the fronts and the truth about world affairs. On our free Sundays, weather permitting, a game of football is arranged and played under favourable conditions on one of the sports fields which catered for Weiswasser's football-loving public in the days before the war. In mid-summer bathing parades take the place of football and a delightful hour's swimming is enjoyed in one of the many natural pools on the outskirts of the town. Our visit to the pictures on Sunday mornings was undoubtedly our favourite form of relaxation. Although the majority of us could understand very little of the diction, the story of the simple German films was easy enough to follow. The newsreel contained many items of topical interest to us so long removed from the fighting zones. To our regret the privilege of picture shows has now been withdrawn.'

'It is difficult to generalise about the treatment we receive from the Germans under whose authority we work and live. In deference to the wish of Geneva, or in an effort to obtain co-operation from us on the job, the higher officials will readily promise anything regarding the betterment of our conditions or hours of work. My experience is that these promises are as glibly broken as they are made. I find that most of the German workers are confidentially ever ready to condemn the Fuhrer and his party. They are war weary and disillusioned, underfed and overworked. They long for the end of hostilities nearly as much as we do ourselves, even though they realise the Allied victory will mean to them only the beginning of a long and dreary era of reconstruction. The most they hope for is release from the constant fear in which they lead their daily lives, a fear that their every word or deed may be construed as an infidelity to the Nazi creed and as such punished by the drastic measures approved by the regime. Individually I have found most of the foremen both easy and understanding. If at first they have tried to rough us in their demand for work, it is not long before under enlightenment and persuasive propaganda they bend to our way of work. In their conceptions of the Colonies, the lives and the working conditions of the people there, they are palpably ignorant and amusing. During a year's work we have witnessed many call-ups from the civilians, and the demands made upon the available man-power for army reinforcements has left only the dregs of a nation to keep the home front going.'

No.14806

'In a country grown blasé to the sight of prisoners of war I must confess to a certain pride in the attraction which a squad of Britishers, be they working or marching out, draws from the German onlookers. Admittedly it is a pride which we feel in our race, but there is none of us who does not realise the debt we owe the Red Cross for our condition and personal appearance. Our gratitude for that organisation for its unceasing efforts on our behalf can never be adequately expressed.'

'We were employed by Eichmann & Co., Papermakers, at Marchendorf, Sudetenland. The villages of Marchendorf 1, 2, 3, and 4 lie straggling in a cleft of the Sudeten Hills in the district of Reisenbirge; small, one-street affairs, semi-industrialised, dull and uninteresting, redeemed however by the beauty of the surrounding country. The factory lies on a tributary of the Elbe, overlooking the main road, and is composed of two parts - a modern block of buildings and the old factory. Our billets were located in the latter block; consisting of two spacious rooms on the first floor. A long high room fifteen feet by fifty feet, lit by four lofty windows - heavily barred - was our bedroom, and housed fifty-two men on double-decked bunks. The washing facilities were rather indifferent, but the water lavatories built in an annexe at the far end of the room were a rarity to prisoners of war. The outer room twenty-four feet by thirty feet, was our dining and recreational hall, with the kitchen adjoining and three small rooms for Red Cross supplies, our Kommando leader, and a cloakroom. In common the rest of the factory our billets were heated by steam and hot water was always available as it was imperative that the paper store rooms were maintained at an even temperature. Two Frauen attended to our laundry at a cost of approximately two marks per week, and they performed wonders on a most inadequate German soap allowance. Another Frau was employed in the kitchen, assisting our cook and buying our rations, which amounted to two-thirds of civilian worker's rations. Our approximate pay in Lager-geld was sixty-one Pfennigs per hour, the same rate as the German worker was paid, and after certain deductions for food and accommodation twenty-five marks were left for our personal use each month.'

'A piece of grassland at the rear of the factory was made available for one hour's football every evening, and on Sundays a two hour walk, alternated with football matches against neighbouring Kommandos, provided our outdoor recreations. Boxing and bridge were our evening occupations, and we boasted an enthusiastic dramatic group, who provided many excellent shows. Clothing was borrowed from civilians for theatricals, permission being given by the military authorities until the local Nazi Party successfully protested.'

'We had been at Eichmann's some four months when we discovered that the wall of our bedroom adjoining the factory was very badly made and at one point was built behind a door through which, with a little ingenuity, egress could be obtained. Paper and beds successfully camouflaged the hole, and on the outer side we sawed through the screws holding the door, made a skeleton key for the lock, and secured it from the inside. In the Spring and Summer of 1944 ten men effected escapes. Communists among the civilians were helpful with clothing. The topography of the district made progress on foot difficult, but several fellows made Vienna by rail; none, however, was successful in reaching home. The aftermath of an escape sent a number of German security officers into our billets, ordering more bars to be welded around the windows, while within twenty feet was a hole large enough to evacuate a horse. Unpleasant repercussions followed each escape, but through the firm stand made by our leader, who refused to be intimidated, conditions soon returned to normal through a compromise.'

'The work at the factory was done in three shifts of eight-hour periods, the men being employed in actual paper making and supplying labour for the maintenance staff of fitters and carpenters. The wood pulping was done at Eichmann's factory at Arnau, and one of our jobs was unloading lorries carrying bales of pulp and conveying them via an electrically propelled lift to the Hollander Department. Here the pulp was further crushed and chemically treated or dyed as per specification, fed to three centrifugals, thence to the paper machines. The machines were fed by way of a fine-mesh wire gauge floating in water with vacuum troughs at intervals to draw off the water; the mixture then passed between stone rollers on to a felt which conveyed it to the cold rollers, thence to the hot cylinders, until finally it was rolled on to a wooden hilser at the end of the machine. The paper was then processed through spraying machines, kullenders, cutters, inspection, and macking departments. We were mostly employed in transporting the paper through various departments, loading the machines and doing odd jobs throughout the factory. The civilians' attitude towards us was excellent. We had many differences with the few fanatical Nazis; it was our policy to play the army, as represented by the guards who were very jealous of their right of jurisdiction over us, against this undesirable and vicious element.'

'Altogether a pleasant job, but pleasant conditions is not all that is required in this dreary existence. The monotony of the same faces, stagnant conversation, simulated cheerfulness and the deep longing for those we love, make any conditions difficult, and the only really pleasant hours are those of sleep.'