Pictures

Lt-Colonel Payton-Reid

Lt-Colonel Payton-Reid

With H.R.H. The Duchess of Gloucester during an inspection of the 1st KOSB, 9th July 1942

With Lt-General Browning and beside Major Cain VC, at the Arnhem Investiture at Buckingham Palace

At the 25th anniversary in 1969

In the middle, laying a wreath at the Cross of Sacrifice, 1969

Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Payton-Reid

 

Unit : Headquarters, 7th (Galloway) Battalion The King's Own Scottish Borderers

Army No. : 13802

Awards : Distinguished Service Order

 

At the age of 18, in December 1915, Robert Payton-Reid was commissioned into the Kings Own Scottish Borderers. After the First World War he joined the 2nd Battalion, who were reforming in Devonport, and spent the next four years serving in East Africa, and on to Egypt in 1926. A spell in Hong Kong followed before joining the 1st KOSB, stationed in Malta and later Palestine. As a Major he was assigned to the 7th KOSB on the 26th January 1942, where he acted as Second-in-Command, but his stay was short lived as he was posted back to the 1st Battalion, on the 30th March, as a Lieutenant-Colonel and their commander. During an inspection, the then General Montgomery noticed Payton-Reid's 1914-1918 medal ribbons and concluded that he was too old to command the battalion, and so on the 25th October 1943, Payton-Reid assumed command of the 7th KOSB. In his book, Variety is the Spice of Life, Major Sanderson of the 1st KOSB describes Payton-Reid thus:

 

"Lieutenant-Colonel Payton-Reid expected high standards and he was short tempered with those who did not match up to his demands. It was common knowledge that it was unwise to see him before 9am because it was almost certain that before that time someone, often his batman, was bound to have had a tongue-lashing from him: and thereafter he would be in a more amenable mood. He was nicknamed 'Flab' on account of the facts that he was short and tubby; yet it was in no way whatsoever a reflection of his astuteness. He was greatly respected, not at least because he had no favourites. The vast majority of his officers and other ranks were therefore very sorry to see him leave."

 

At the time he was the oldest field commander in the British Army, and his wealth of experience and leadership skills brought much to the formation of the 7th KOSB into an excellent fighting unit. Lieutenant Charles Doig (No.7 Platoon, B Company) said of his commander: "Our training was very severe and our Colonel was as severe and in many cases more severe on the officers than either the non-commissioned officers or private soldiers. He was a great believer in the saying by Napoleon that 'there are no bad soldiers, only bad officers'."

 

Major-General Urquhart regarded him as "a tough, ruddy complexioned lieutenant-colonel who had no respect whatsoever for the Germans".

 

In a report of the Battalion's actions at Arnhem, Lieutenant-Colonel Payton-Reid wrote the following:

 

Certain amount of mist over England. Caused some gliders to release over England. Channel bright and clear. Three gliders down in the sea. First glider in about 1.30 and moved off about 3. A lot of the gliders' undercarriages came up through the bottom because we landed on very soft ground. 8 gliders did not arrive. Just over 700 men and 40 officers.

 

When we landed in our gliders we had a piper playing at the Battalion R.V. in order to guide the troops towards it. Though, as it happened, we were not under fire at the time... It certainly was a great encouragement to all ranks to hear the strains of the Regimental March the 'Blue Bonnets over the Border', floating through the air when they landed north of the Rhine.

 

We went off westwards to hold the DZ for the parachutists who were coming in the next day. Extremely surprised to meet no opposition. Parachutists supposed to arrive at 10 am. Monday morning, when we had the situation well in hand. Unfortunately, they didn't arrive until 3 o'clock. During that time the Germans were reinforcing all the time. I had no reserves and the thing was getting extremely tricky and everybody was being strongly menaced. When the parachutists arrived at about 3 pm. battalion headquarters charged up to the edge of the wood in case there was any firing down there. And the parachutes got down.

 

The bayonet charge into the woods that Payton-Reid mentioned was led by himself.

 

The next test was to move by 7 o'clock by which time some parachute regiments would be clear and others were to follow. My task was to go down to the railway and move up towards Arnhem, seize the high ground northwest of Arnhem.

 

We got up there in the middle of the night. There was a good deal of congestion along the railway and one and one company was held up toward the 56.5 and company up the road. I came to the conclusion that it was not an operation of war to take these places by night because we couldn't locate them. It was getting near dawn and I didn't want to be caught out in this open place so I decided to hold a line near Johanna Hoeve. In the morning the Brigadier came up and told me I was now under his command and he wanted me to stay here and make a firm base while the two parachute companies attacked.

 

The Poles didn't come down, again because of the weather, until 4. After they had finished landing I was summoned to brigade headquarters. When I got there I was given orders by Brigadier Hackett who was told the Germans were being reinforced. Wolfheze was in German hands, and the Bosch was coming along the railway in our rear. In the circumstances it was decided to withdraw the brigade south of the railway into a closer divisional perimeter. I said I could do it in half an hour. When I got back to brigade headquarters I found a hell of a battle going on. The Germans were attacking southwest. I got the orders to brigade headquarters about the withdrawal and to the other companies. Before we could move we had to beat off a counter-attack which we did successfully. Major Cockran, who was killed, killed 20. The Drum Major Tate the same number and Sgt. Maj. Grant (Graham) killed a large number with a Vickers gun. In front of battalion headquarters there was a German company, of well over 200. The result of this was that all the Bosch who weren't killed turned and went back into the woods. So I took the opportunity of going south to the river. That was on the evening of D + 2.

 

We got to Wolfheze: D Company who had only two platoons left and most of C Company and brigade headquarters got there, but the whole of A Company didn't arrive at all. A considerable number of B Company didn't arrive at the river bank. They were reported further down the railway. I tried to contact them but couldn't. We then went down to a hotel in the Wolfheze region, to find the brigade but there wasn't anybody there. We went down the road and found brigade headquarters. I then got orders to hold the northern flank of the divisional perimeter. When I got there the battalion strength was under 300.

 

The Battalion was ordered to hold the area around the Dreyeroord Hotel, known as the White House to the defenders, at the northern most point of the defence. On Tuesday 19th, Payton-Reid, a little surprised at how tranquil the area was at the time, knocked on the door of the hotel and was joyfully received by the guests. He later wrote:

 

I do not think that any who were there will forget the 'White House' and its surroundings. When I knocked at its door about 9pm on 19 September all was peace and quiet. Had I dropped from Mars I could scarcely have aroused more interest and I was immediately greeted as a liberator by the numerous occupants, it was, I found, a small hotel. Never have I felt such a hypocrite. I had come to announce my intention of placing soldiers in the grounds and vicinity and the delight with which this news was received was most touching - but at the same time most pathetic, as I knew I was bringing them only danger and destruction. By the next night the building was reduced to a shell and its inmates were crouching uncomfortably in the cellar. It was then garrisoned by a section of men who were living in the eerie atmosphere of a haunted house. The moon shone through shot-holes in the walls, casting weird shadows, prowling footsteps could be heard on the enemy side and one felt that faces were peering through every window.

 

On Wednesday night I was walking around the position with a company commander, Major Gordon Sheriff and we were inside our own perimeter when somebody walked up to us. He spoke German. Before I had recovered from my surprise Sheriff jumped at his throat. After a struggle while I tried to shoot him but was frightened of hitting Sheriff, he, Sheriff, strangled him. Sheriff was wounded. In the midst of this a friend of the German threw a stick grenade. Then we heard a frightful wailing and found it was a goat that had been hit.

 

Thursday 21st saw a number of probing attacks by German infantry and tanks, occasionally backed up with mortars. To counter this, Lieutenant-Colonel Payton-Reid ordered that a number of patrols be carried out in the area. At about 16:30 that afternoon, the Germans mounted a major assault on the area and drove many of the Borderers out of their positions. The situation was saved by Payton-Reid and Lieutenant Jim Taylor, who both independently ordered a savage bayonet charge that resulted in the battalion regaining all the ground that had been lost. It is believed that near to 100 German soldiers were killed during the fight for the White House, however half of the remaining 7th KOSB became casualties in the process and their numbers were too few to defend the area.

 

Thursday afternoon I had tentative orders to come to a closer position further south. I had no company commanders, no colour Sgt. Majs. and very few senior N.C.O.'s. I decided now was the moment to move away while we had the Germans where we wanted them. So I got everything cleared out and all the casualties evacuated. We moved along to the left about 400 yards to connect with the 21st Independent Parachute Company. I got orders to move back into Hartenstein about 9.30, connecting up with the glider pilots on the left, the Recce being on my right. We passed the night there peacefully and the Brigadier saw us in the morning.

 

Two people who, though not Borderers in fact, had, whilst attached to us became so in spirit, came very much to the fore. These were Captain Walker, our Forward Observation Officer from the Gunners, and Sergeant Tilley, the glider pilot. The former, who was attached to the Bn... did some very outstanding Infantry work when, owing to the break-down of communications, he could not get in touch with his guns. He acted as 2nd in Command of one of my Companies and took an extremely active part in its operations. Later when he did establish communications with his guns, and was looking for a forward observation post, he was shot in the head by a sniper, but was saved from being killed by his steel-helmet. He was taken to the Regimental Aid Post, but after two days there decided that he must get back into action. By this time I was very short of Officers and he acted as my Adjutant, being of the greatest assistance, particularly during the final evacuation.

 

Sgt. Tilley, who had found himself attached to the Bn., became one of its most active members and was to be found everywhere, where there was a useful and dangerous job to be done. When the M.O., and most of the Medical Staff were captured, he attached himself to the R.A.P. where he did magnificent work in bringing in the wounded, and tending to their comfort. Later, when the R.S.M. had been wounded, and N.C.Os. were very short he acted as R.S.M. and organised ammunition supplies. When rations were short he organised a central kitchen in which he cooked a hot meal everyday, consisting of vegetables dug from the gardens, and stores found in the evacuated houses. These are only indications of some of his activities, but he was a great stand-by, and maintained extreme optimism even in the most adverse circumstances as a result of which he helped to keep the morale at a very high standard. I understand that he had been awarded the D.C.M.

 

{Tilley} had, from no known reason, decided to remain with us instead of rejoining his own unit and had appointed himself my 'bodyguard'. On one occasion I was going round the front with him and when we arrived near where I expected to find a platoon he shot ahead round some houses to locate it. He shot back even faster, however, seizing me by the arm, dragged me along with him, whispering: 'there's a trench round there cram full of Bosche'. As he thought they could not have failed to see him we deemed it wise to get out of sight, so leapt through a window of a damaged house nearby. Our leap took us further than anticipated, because the floor had been demolished with the result that we dropped right down into the cellar. And there we were, caught in a trap, expecting at any moment to see Hun faces peering down at us. Only Tilley's strength and agility saved the situation. By standing on my hands he could just reach ground level. With what help I could give him he managed to pull himself out, and then, by a stupendous effort, he hauled me up after him. A few minutes later we reached the proper platoon position {No 12 Platoon "C" Company} where, now it was safely over, our adventure took the appearance of a huge joke.

 

During this escape, Payton-Reid had moved across a vegetable patch stretching across several gardens, crawling amongst the beans and peas he eventually found a lone tank sitting in a vulnerable position on the road. He went back to find the Battalion's only remaining PIAT, but by the time he had returned the tank had wisely moved on.

 

It was a great moment when we realized that we could now call on the support of the Corps Artillery of the ground forces, since this made us feel that reinforcement was at hand. The fire itself was most effective and broke up several attempted enemy attacks. It would probably have been considerable more so had not our Forward Observation Officer, Captain Walker, chosen this precise time to get himself hit on the head by a bullet. Having been born under a lucky star and having, according to himself, a thick skull, his life was undoubtedly saved by his steel helmet. Nevertheless the Medical Officer insisted on his being admitted to the Regimental Aid Post so we had perforce endeavour, in our own amateurish way, to perform his duties. For Corps artillery this must have been the 'Gunners Nightmare' because our methods were unorthodox in the extreme. As our only wireless set was established in a cellar the officer observing the shoot had to relay his alterations over a human chain extending from roof to basement, a system hardly to be recommended for either speed or accuracy. The astonishing thing is that it seemed to work, even if the Gun Position Officer must have been somewhat startled to receive in lieu of the prosaic 'On Target', some such ejaculation as: 'Marvellous, you're right among them. We can hear the b.......s screaming.'

 

On the 23rd the Germans knew exactly where we were and were starting to be extremely offensive. They had a technique. First of all, they used 20 mm. cannon across the roofs of the houses. Then they shelled the houses again, the top storeys, which got everybody below. Then, under cover of this, they had got an odd tank which came and blew the house down. While all this was going on they had infiltrated machine guns into position.

 

For the first 48 hours we had no sleep, and an average of 2 or 3 hours every 24. We had been on one third rations ever since the White House. At this stage we had no rations at all so we dug vegetables and got stores out of the Dutch houses. We gave everyone a hot meal every day. There wasn't much water and we hadn't any tea. Very few cigarettes.

 

Exhaustion took its toll on many of the defenders, to the point where some people almost wished that they would be wounded so that they could rest. Payton-Reid observed that "Lack of sleep is the most difficult of all hardships to combat. Men reached the stage when the only important thing in life seemed to be sleep". He fell victim to this himself whilst calling a Battalion conference of three men besides himself, one of which was his new Second-in-Command, Captain Walker, and also his ever present bodyguard Sergeant Tilley. As the meeting progressed the men became increasingly weary and as Payton-Reid talked he could hear his own voice growing more distant, then one man collapsed on the table asleep, followed by another, and soon all of them lost consciousness. Payton-Reid was the first to awaken, and on so doing he roused the others.

 

The following report gives a more detailed account of the above events, from Johannahoeve Farm on the 19th September until the evacuation of the 1st Airborne Division and their arrival in Nijmegen.

 

OUR NINE DAYS AT ARNHEM

by COL. R. PAYTON REID, DSO.

(who commanded the battalion)

 

being an appendix to Col. TH.A. Boeree's Record of the 7TH BN. K.O.S.B's ACTION, SEP. 17/25, 1944 which is deposited in the Regimental Museum. (N.B. Col. Boeree's record has now been enlarged to cover the whole operation and is published by Hodder & Stroughton under the title "The Battle of Arnhem).

 

So far as I am concerned, all the questions about ARNHEM which I have been asked - and have asked myself - are answered in Col. Boeree's narrative. The favourite one:- "Why did the operation not succeed?" cannot be answered in a few words and he has brought out clearly the many subscribing factors. It is interesting to note that the work of "Lindemans the Spy" was NOT one of these; - I never thought it was, as nothing is more certain than that the Germans were completely surprised by our arrival that Sunday afternoon.

 

But the German Army always reacts quickly and this is well illustrated by the rapid Appreciation and Plan made by General BITTRICH and executed so far as we were concerned, by Colonel SPINDLER. It will interest all who were in the 7th Battalion, especially in 'B' and 'C' Companies, to see that the position on the high, wooded ground along the DREYENSE WEG. East of JOHANNA HOEVE, which we were instructed to "occupy" during the night 18/19 September was, in fact, the latter's "Blocking Line" where 9 SS Panzer (Hohenstaufer) Division had been digging-in for 24 hours! Also that, as we advanced towards it in the dark, and while, next day, we remained near JOHANNA HOEVE supporting 4 Para Bde and awaiting the arrival of the Poles, a net of enemy forces was gradually being closed around us. Despite this, I would repeat now that I told Company Commanders next day, that, when we left that position so hurriedly, we were NOT driven out by the enemy attacks but had made a voluntary withdrawal according to plan. The plan was, as we now see, forced on our higher command, but its execution had most disastrous consequences. It is against text-book teaching to break off an engagement and withdraw from the battle-field in broad daylight, and that is what we, and the two battalions of Para Bde had to attempt, - and without delay. As a result this fine Scottish Borderer battalion which at four o'clock in the afternoon was a full-strength unit, with its weapons, transport and organisation complete, whose high morale had been further boosted by a successful action against attacking enemy, and which was prepared to meet anything coming to it, was reduced, within the hour, to a third of its strength, with much of its transport and many of its heavy weapons lost, one Company completely missing and two more reduced to half-strength. It was only our rough handling of the enemy attackers, who were driven off with heavy losses, which saved the situation; and the record shows that the battalions of 4 Para Bde fared even worse.

 

At the time the fates of 'A' and 'B' Companies were shrouded in mystery but Major BUCHANAN, O.C. 'A' Company, and Major FOREMAN, O.C. 'B' Company, have since given me some information on that point. Both tell the same tale of being constantly harried by the enemy during their attempts to withdraw according to orders, and of confused fighting in the woods. 'A' Company at one point came across a party claiming to be Poles, but when they went out to meet them were promptly fired upon. 'B' Company actually joined up with 4 Para Bde HQ, by whom they were directed to HOTEL WOLFHEZEN, where they found only some aged inmates and evidence of recent German occupation, including booby-traps. Here they listened on the Hotel Radio to the B.B.C. news from which they gathered that our main forces were concentrating near the river - a somewhat unusual way of being "put in the picture". In both Companies, after numbers had been greatly reduced by hours of close hand-to-hand fighting, those who still remained next day were overrun before they could reach the Divisional perimeter.

 

I do not think that any who were there will forget the "WHITE HOUSE" and its surroundings. When I knocked at its door about 9 p.m. on 19 Sept all was peace and quiet, since we had, temporarily, broken contact. Had I dropped from Mars I could scarcely have aroused more interest and I was immediately greeted as a liberator by the numerous occupants, - it was, I found, a small hotel. Never have I felt such a hypocrite. I had come to announce my intention of placing soldiers in the grounds and vicinity and the delight with which this news was received was most touching, - but at the same time most pathetic, as I knew I was bringing them only danger and destruction. By the next night the building was reduced to a shall and its inmates were crouching uncomfortably in the cellar. It was then garrisoned by a Section of men who were living in the eerie atmosphere of a haunted house. The moon shone through shot-holes in the walls, casting weird shadows, prowling footsteps could be heard on the enemy side and one felt that faces were peering through every window. There was, too, every reason to expect unwelcome visitors, since it was just outside that Major SHERRIFF and I were joined by a stray Bosch who was quickly disposed of by the former in unarmed combat.

 

During our second day in this position we suffered heavy casualties through sniper fire. It mystified me then and for long afterwards how such accurate fire could be brought to bear, often into the very centre of our position, especially as we blew out the windows of every house overlooking us. A recent return visit has shown me, however, that the top stories of the back rows of houses provide excellent observation defiladed from our position, and this probably supplies the answer.

 

It was on this day that the Medical Officer, Captain DEVLIN, asked me if he could move his Regimental Aid Post, with the walking-wounded whom he could not get evacuated, to another house as his present one was becoming distinctly unhealthy. I pointed out that the proposed new location was well outside our Battalion Perimeter and that, therefore, we could give him no protection there. He decided, however, to rely on the protection of the Red Cross, so off he set, followed by a limping, bandaged and somewhat bedraggled group shepherded by one or two medical orderlies. That was the last we saw of them. It transpires that they walked straight into a Bosch patrol, with whose leader Major "CORGI" COKE, himself one of the wounded, had a lengthy discussion regarding the ethics of the situation, declaring that as they were proceeding under the Red Cross (and presumably with their fingers crossed) they could not be touched. So eloquent was he in expounding this interpretation of the Rules of Warfare that he almost persuaded the German subaltern to let them proceed unmolested. Finally, however, the latter said he must consult his C.O., to whom Major COKE was invited to repeat his arguments. This time they were met with the derision to be expected, the German Major laughed heartily and declaring that the wounded would be much better off under his care - which, as things turned out, they probably were. Alas, Major COKE was killed shortly afterwards when, lion-hearted as ever, he was leading an attempted mass-escape.

 

Our final episode before leaving here was what has come to be known as "The Battle of the White House". By this time we had, because of diminishing numbers, evacuated the house itself and concentrated at the further end of the area. During the afternoon of the 21st the enemy infiltrated close to our position, through the houses and woods and under cover of a Mortar barrage. When he finally came into the open to attack, the stolid patience with which the Borderers had endured his constant pin-pricks gave way to a ferocious lust for revenge, which was reflected in our greeting to him. Everything opened up. Riflemen and Bren Gunners vied with each other in production of rapid fire; Mortars, their barrels practically vertical, lobbed bombs over our heads at the minimum possible range; Anti-tank Guns defended our flanks and Vickers Medium Machine Guns belched forth streams of bullets as only a Vickers can. The consequent din was reinforced by a stream of vindictive utterances in a predominantly Lowland Scottish accent. The German attack was stopped but they went to ground and returned the fire hotly, displaying, in several cases, marked bravery. When it was adjudged that we had won the fire-fight we went for them with the bayonet in the good old-fashioned style, with more blood-curdling yells, and this was too much for them. I have been told that close on 100 German bodies were later found and buried there.

 

It had evidently been the intention of the Germans to wipe us up completely on this occasion because they had enlisted the aid of a Loudspeaker which kept blaring forth that Montgomery had forgotten us and that, as we were surrounded, we should surrender. In view of the outcome of their attack these remarks were somewhat inappropriate and were treated by the Jocks with the derision they deserved. The latter, in fact, were now so thoroughly roused that it was with some difficulty that I restrained them from following up the enemy and hunting him down. Such a step was not, unfortunately, within our compass at the time and would have prejudiced the success of a further concerted move regarding which I had already received a warning order. However, we had now gained ourselves something of a respite and we took advantage of this to evacuate those who had been wounded in the encounter together with all who remained at our original R.A.P. I want to make this point clear because I have heard of several men who were present with the Battalion before the "White House battle" but have not been heard of since. Relatives of these can be assured that if they were wounded they were evacuated by Jeep before we left that position because I saw to this myself. These Jeeps were directed to the Main Dressing Station but part of this was already in 'enemy territory' so that some Jeeps may well have strayed straight into German hands. If so their wounded occupants would undoubtedly be given all are because the Germans were behaving very properly regarding this. Records of those who succumbed might well have been lost or destroyed, however, which might explain why the eventual fates of some of the "missing" have never been revealed.

 

During the night 21/22 Sept. we were withdraw into part of a still tighter Divisional Perimeter, our Sector being in the North West corner of the village of OOSTERBEEK. Here we remained until the end of the operation. The White House position had taken heavy toll and our greatly reduced numbers were divided between Bn. HQ, B, C, and D Coys. Each of the Companies was given a row of houses to hold, their flanks being covered by Vickers Guns and Anti-tank Guns. We still also retained sufficient 3" Mortars to put down quite a heavy concentration and these proved most effective in breaking up enemy attacks during the following days.

 

The first day here passed amazingly quietly, giving an opportunity to attend to such details as the discovery of a water supply, all the mains being out of action either on account of shelling or of the Germans having turned off the supply. When I went round at "Stand-to" on the second morning, the 23rd, I found everyone full of good cheer, confident of their ability to hold out in their present positions and assured that the arrival of the Ground Forces could not be much longer delayed. Morale was still further raised by everyone having a shave and a hot breakfast, both rather unique experiences. It was as well that we started off in this spirit because there was no peace during the rest of that day nor the night which followed. All who were there will have many experiences by which to remember this period. My own recollection is of a series of alarms and excursions - enemy infiltration here, Anti-tank Guns knocked out there, houses battered by shelling and ever-mounting casualties - but at the same time of a sense of exhilaration and the feeling that this was a cracking good battle.

 

About this time two people who, though not Borderers in fact, had, whilst attached to us become so in spirit, came very much to the fore. These were Captain 'JOHNNIE' WALKER, our F.O.O. from the Gunners, and Serjeant R.F. TILLEY, a Glider Pilot. The latter had, for no known reason, decided to remain with us instead of rejoining his own unit and had appointed himself my 'bodyguard'. On one occasion I was going round the front with him and when we arrived near where we expected to find one Platoon he shot ahead round some houses to locate it. He shot back even faster, however, and seizing me by the arm, dragged me along with him, whispering:- "There's a trench round there cram full of Bosch". As he thought they could not have failed to see him we deemed it wise to get out of sight, so leapt through the window of a damaged house nearby. Our leap took us further than we anticipated, because the floor had been demolished with the result that we dropped right down into the cellar. And there we were, caught in a trap, expecting at any moment to see Hun faces peering down at us. Only Tilley's strength and agility saved the situation. By standing on my hands he could just reach ground level. With what help I could give him he managed to pull himself out, and then, by a stupendous effort, he hauled me up after him. A few minutes later we reached the proper Platoon position where, now it seemed safely over, our adventure took on the appearance of a huge joke.

 

This particular Platoon was commanded by Lieut. J. TAYLOR, one of the several Canadian officers who were seconded to the Battalion under an arrangement known as "Canloan". This officer, who was wounded later the same day gallantly leading a counter-attack, was typical of these Canadians - fine, upstanding, courageous young men with hearts of gold and the spirit of Crusaders. The Battalion was indeed fortunate in having them and I believe that, on their part, they carried back to their Western homes some of the Borderers' traditions. Except for two of their number, Lieuts. A.E. KIPPING and A.E.F. WAYTE, whose bodies rest in the Dutch soil which they helped to liberate.

 

Our Anti-tank Guns had proved invaluable throughout, since they were our only effective counter to the enemy's Tanks, Armoured Cars and Self-propelled Guns, none of which are included in the armament of an Airborne Division. During these latter days they also inflicted considerable casualties on our opposing infantry by means of their H.E. shells. There had been some controversy before to operation as to whether these should be included in their ammunition scale, since the Armour-piercing shells would have been correspondingly reduced but we were certainly glad of them at this time. Even anti-tank Guns are not invulnerable, however, and they suffered in various ways, one, for example, which had been doing particularly good work under Serjeant BARTON, being put out of action by having a tree knocked down on top of it. Another came under very heavy Machine Gun fire which killed or wounded all its crew, but Serjeant D. KEYES the Platoon Serjeant, crawled out and prepared it for movement, then rushed out a Jeep with which he retrieved it. By the end of the operation only one gun remained and this adopted a roaming role, never staying for more than a short time in one place.

 

It was a great moment when we realised that we could now call on the support of the Corps Artillery of the Ground Forces, since this made us feel that reinforcement was at hand. The fire itself was most effective and broke up several attempted enemy attacks. It would probably have been considerably more so had not our F.O.O., Captain WALKER, chosen this precise time to get himself hit on the head by a bullet. Having been born under a lucky star and having, according to himself, a thick skull, his life was undoubtedly saved by his steel helmet. Nevertheless the M.O. insisted on his being admitted to the R.A.P. so we had perforce to endeavour, in our own amateurish way, to perform his duties. For the Corps Artillery this must have been the "Gunners' Nightmare" because our methods were unorthodox in the extreme. As our only Wireless Set was established in a cellar the Officer observing the shoot had to relay his alterations over a human chain extending from roof to basement, a system hardly to be recommended for either speed or accuracy. The astonishing thing is that it seemed to work, even if the Gun Position Officer must have been somewhat startled to receive in lieu of the prosaic "On target", some such ejaculation as:- "Marvellous, you're right among them. We can hear the b.......s screaming".

 

Darkness generally brought blessed, if temporary, relief from the constant shelling, machine-gunning and sniping of the daylight hours. The Germans are most systematic and one could almost tell to the minute when they would "knock off" for their evening meal. On the other hand, one could be certain that they would not be idle during the hours of darkness but would be preparing some unpleasantness for the following day. On the night of the 23rd, for instance, they actually commenced digging-in between two of our forward posts, but we soon disillusioned them regarding the merits of such practices.

 

On the 24th the gloves were off completely, even Stretcher Bearers ceasing to be inviolate. They was indeed a pretty grim day. The high hopes we had been entertaining of early support by the Ground Forces had gradually diminished, and whereas previously this had provided the main topic of conversation, mention of the subject now became, by mutual consent, taboo. Nevertheless we kept on the alert to deal with the enemy wherever he appeared. The Mortars proved a great stand-by at this period, since, miraculously, they still had some ammunition, which they used to great effect in breaking up enemy concentrations. We had also developed our own sniping organisation, with considerable success, Lance-Corporal A.R. HOLBURN being the chief exponent with a record of 'kills' running well into two figures.

 

There was not, however, much to feel happy about - except, of course, the fact that one was still alive, free and comparatively intact. Few of those who started the operation with the Battalion could, at this stage, claim even this consolation. Our strength was now only about 100 and all of these were suffering, to a greater or less degree, from strain, lack of sleep, and shortage of food, water, cigarettes and all other amenities. The house in which the Regimental Aid Post was established was full to overflowing, as well as all the outhouses nearby. Fortunately, however, it had so far avoided receiving a direct hit from a shell, which had been the lot of practically every other building in the area. Captain BUCK, R.A.M.C., who had replaced our original Medical Officer; Captain MORRISON the Padre; Serjeant HYSLOP, the Medical Serjeant; and the few Medical Orderlies, were doing masterly work under the most difficult conditions. Among their patients were Captain CLAYHILLS, the Adjutant, C.S.M. SWANSTON, and Serjeants NATTRASS and WILSON, all of whom had been recently hit. Also Captain STEER, who had been severely shell-shocked, and Drum-Major TAIT, who had been hit, when a popular theory was disproved by two successive shells landing practically on top of a slit-trench which I was sharing with them. Captain WALKER, the Gunner, 'escaped' from the R.A.P. this afternoon and returned to his normal - and abnormal - duties, (the latter including acting as my Adjutant), much to the relief of everyone, particularly, I am sure, the Officers of the Corps Artillery.

 

Serjeant TILLEY, the Glider Pilot, was very much to the fore in these days. When rations were exhausted, owing to our re-supply dropping on to the Germans, he organised parties to dig vegetables from the gardens and search the houses for tinned food. Everything thus obtained was shot into a boiler in one of the wash-houses and transformed into a magnificent Stew, generous portions of which were rushed out to all ranks whilst still steaming hot - a meal fit for the gods, we all felt. I was completed discredited one day by being absent when the meal was ready, having suddenly decided to go and visit one of the forward Companies. On my return I was most severely dealt with by Serjeant Tilley, firstly for not being there to eat my portion of stew when it was ready, and secondly for having gone off without my 'bodyguard', which I was warned I must never on any account do again! Such concern for one's welfare was most encouraging, but, then, Tilley was morale-raiser in chief to all ranks, both by his great spirit and his infectious optimism.

 

The 24th drew to its melancholy close with the threat of a dusk attack which, however, failed to materialise. After dark there was the usual period of quiet which we had come to expect - and suspect. It was felt that the culminating point of the enemy's offensive activities had been reached and that we must expect a concerted attack at dawn. Accordingly about 9 p.m. I held an 'O' Group to take stock of the situation and discuss preparations. I cannot claim that anyone received much benefit from it, however, since one by one all present dropped off to sleep. They were subsequently roused to listen to my pronouncements, but not for long, because I myself next dropped off, in the middle of a sentence. Lack of sleep is the most difficult of all hardships to combat and is, I am convinced, the ultimate cause whenever troops are overrun after long incessant fighting, - unless of course, their ammunition has run out first. Men reach the stage when the only important thing in life seems to be sleep and this undermines their fighting spirit. Strict discipline in sticking to a roster of duties is the best antidote, but in extreme conditions, such as we were experiencing, this is not always possible.

 

Despite our preparations and gloomy forebodings, or perhaps because of them, the next day started surprisingly quiet. This brief respite had a tonic effect and by the time the inferno started again we felt we could compete with this sort of thing more or less indefinitely. At 1 o'clock I was called to Brigade Headquarters, whence I travelled by Bren Carrier. Arriving there I found the Brigade Commander. Brigadier 'PIP' HICKS, with a very long face muttering to himself something about "another Dunkirk". It was a most despondent Conference, the gist of which was that, in present-day parlance, we "had had it". Details were given out regarding the Division's purported withdrawal to, and subsequent crossing of, the River Rhine, and elaborate security measures were ordered. I returned to the Battalion where I conveyed the orders to the only remaining Officers and initiated arrangements for the move. Every man had to be informed individually, in a whispered conversation, and no indication whatever was to be given that anything unusual was afoot. On no account was any approach or infiltration by the enemy to be allowed, an order which was carried out so thoroughly that the Bosch must have imagined we had received reinforcements. The order of march was arranged in accordance with the present positions of the Companies and all were to be formed up ready to move at 9.15 p.m. precisely. At that hour the Column would move off and there could be no delay on any account whatever. All ranks would muffle their boots with strips torn from blankets and each would seize the bayonet-scabbard of the man in front so as to maintain touch. In any case should go astray every man had to know the route and the RV. My own most trying task was breaking the news to our R.A.P. personnel because I had to ask them to remain behind with the wounded, who we could not, of course, possibly move. The M.O. Padre and others took it very well and readily agreed to give up their chance of freedom for the sake of their charges. It was arranged that some of the walking wounded should accompany us but this arrangement somehow fell through, which was probably fortunate since our journey turned out to be a most testing one, even for fit men.

 

The making of these and other arrangements served to make this, our last afternoon at ARNHEM pass very quickly. As soon as it was dark the final preparations were made. These included the destruction of everything of use which we were leaving behind, a proceeding which seemed to emphasize the desperate nature of our enterprise. It almost made one shudder to see a pick-axe descending with a shattering blow on the expensive Wireless Set which had been for so long our only link with the outside world.

 

At last 9.15 arrived and the column moved off. Corporal MUNROE, the Intelligence N.C.O., had made a reconnaissance of the first part of the route during the afternoon so we got off to a good start. In order to avoid enemy patrols which were said to be about we skirted all tracks and roads, but we expected to follow the route past Brigade Headquarters when once we got into the woods which run down to the bank of the river. Soon after we started we walked into an extremely heavy shelling concentration, which had the effect of splitting the column since there were a number of casualties and some others stopped to take cover. The main portion continued on its way across the open space around the HOTEL HARTESTEIN where Divisional Headquarters had been housed but which now loomed ghastly and lifeless through the darkness. The noise of shelling was terrific, mostly caused by 30 Corps Artillery covering our withdrawal, though this we did not fully realise at the time. When we reached the woods we ran into the tail of a party of parachutists, who had a "guide". Inadvisably we tacked on behind this party until the "guide", having led us into the darkest and most impenetrable part of the wood, announced that he was "lost". There followed the usual recriminations and parleys, after which the parachutists decided to go back and start again. Being thus on our own once more, and now thoroughly lost, we had recourse to that somewhat maligned instrument, the Marching Compass. Fortunately there was no difficulty regarding "bearing", since all we had to do was to march due South and we were bound to strike the river somewhere near the right spot. The hazards were provided by the wood, which seemed to develop into a vast impenetrable jungle as we proceeded. Consequently progress was desperately slow and I began to feel really worried that we should arrive too late or fail to reach the right place at all. So far as the others were concerned I think they had resigned themselves to any fate, except for Captain Walker who, with a Gunner's faith in instruments, put complete reliance on the compass. Anyhow, we did eventually emerge into the open and found that somehow we had actually arrived at our correct RV. As we passed it I glanced at my watch and saw, to my utter amazement, that we were dead on time!

 

The next four hours were in many ways the most trying of the whole operation. We followed white tapes which led us across an open and dead flat stretch between the higher ground and the river bank. In the middle of this we came up on the unit in front of us; we had reached our place in the queue - and a desperately slow-moving queue it seemed. By now it was raining, gently but steadily so that soon we were wet and chilled. As we lay there, huddled together we felt, and were, most vulnerable, since enemy fire concentrated on the area would have had devastating effect. The noise of bursting mortar bombs mingling with the rattle of machine-guns and the whining of shells kept us awake but most of the fire appeared to be well away from us. In particular we could see flares and rockets in the direction of DRIEL FERRY and the noise from there gave an indication of what the DORSETS were going through. We knew that a Battalion of that famous Regiment, the only ground forces to have reached our side, were holding out in a most exposed position on the river bank. I remember thinking what a dangerous and hopeless task they had, and praying that things would not go too badly for them. Without the diversion they created our evacuation must surely have been discovered, so their sacrifice was not in vain.

 

At last, after a wait which seemed interminable, we reached the head of the queue and stepped into the canvas assault-boats manned by Canadian Sappers. And then, wonder of wonders, we were on the South bank - safe and sound. Once there it seemed as tough a haven had been reached and, despite mud and fatigue, all trudged the four miles to DRIEL with light hearts if somewhat heavy footsteps. Until now I had always thought exaggerated these scenes on the cinema-screen depicting the staggering and stumbling of worn-out men, but now I found myself behaving in exactly that manner. Near DRIEL we came to a Reception Station run, most excellently, by personnel of 30 Corps, and here we were shepherded into vast blacked-out buildings where rum and "strong sweet tea" were administered with electrifying results. So congenial was the atmosphere here, and so secure did we feel, that we had to be reminded by our benefactors that we were in fact at the very tip of a long and extremely narrow spearhead thrust into enemy-occupied territory.

 

I had one more small escapade before returning to normality. At this Reception Station I found myself diverted into the building allocated to the wounded, because I was with Captain Walker, who had a large and gory bandage on his head, and had myself some shrapnel in my shoulder. This course seemed to have some advantages to start with, but having been conveyed some way by lorry, we next found ourselves at a Main Dressing Station. It was only then that we realised we had got ourselves into the "medical" evacuation stream, which did not suit either of us as we wanted to be with our units. So, waiting until the Serjeant in the reception room was busy with documentation, we slipped quietly out, hid behind some buildings, and then 'jumped' a lorry into NYMEGEN, thus achieving a successful, if somewhat undignified escape.

 

At NYMEGEN we were taken in hand by our own "Seaborne tail", under Major BOB SELLON, which, having landed in Normandy weeks previously, had been kicking its heels in back areas until suddenly thrust forward with all speed along the single road which  had been the axis of 30 Corps' advance. They had reached NYMEGEN only the day before but the preparations they made for our reception could not have been better had then been there for weeks. Our first requirement was lots of hot food and drink, and our second a long uninterrupted sleep. Both of these were most adequately catered for. Despite my fatigue I felt as I sat down to the meal they provided, and saw how they forgot all their own troubles and dangers in ministering to us, and thought back on the past ten days remembering all the acts of heroism and unselfishness I had seen, I felt as I sat there what a proud and privileged thing it is to be A SOLDIER.

 

END.

 

 

Robert Payton-Reid was the only battalion commander in the 1st Airborne Division to be evacuated from the battle. He was awarded the Distinguished Service Order and it was presented to him by King George VI at Buckingham Palace on the day of the Arnhem Investiture, 6th December 1944. His citation reads:

 

"Colonel Payton-Reid commanded the 7th K.O.S.B. during the Battle of Arnhem. On Saturday, 23rd September the unit, by this time reduced to 6 officers and 110 ORs, was heavily attacked by German infantry supported by tanks and S.P. guns. A penetration was made on the right flank. Col Payton-Reid immediately organized a scratch force from his Battalion HQ and Support Company and led it against the enemy. His counter attack was successful and a dangerous situation was restored. It was entirely due to the energy, initiative and determination of the CO that the breach was sealed. During the nine days of the operation, Col Payton-Reid's Battalion was constantly attacked by tanks, S.P. guns and infantry. Between attacks the unit was subjected to intense mortar and artillery fire. It was due to the personality, courage and wonderful example shown by Col Payton-Reid that his unit was able to withstand the terrible strain of that week. At critical periods during the enemy attacks and bombardments this officer continually showed himself and inspired all ranks by his personal courage and disregard for his own safety. During the last two days the unit manned a small but highly important sector of the perimeter and all ranks were in the front line. Exceptional physical courage and endurance, powers of leadership and sound military knowledge were displayed by this officer during the action and it was due to these qualities that his unit never broke but stayed on the ground it was ordered to defend in spite of suffering heavy casualties daily. Colonel Payton-Reid was wounded in the shoulder on 23rd September but remained at duty until arrival in the U.K."

 

Lieutenant-Colonel Payton-Reid worked to rebuild his battalion in the following months until he was promoted to the East Scotland District on the 31st March 1945; handing the reins to Major Sellon, he issued a special order of the day to all ranks, thanking them for their loyal support throughout his time as their commander. Eight months after the battle, the surviving officers of the 7th KOSB gathered in the North British Hotel, Edinburgh, on the 18th May 1945 for their first reunion. Robert Payton-Reid asked for them to spare a thought for those who had not returned:

 

On our first guest night in the Battalion after the Arnhem operation, a night devoted to entertaining those officers of the Brigade who had returned unscathed the Pipe-Major's toast was to 'Absent Friends'. Happily many of those whom we then named in our hearts are here tonight, after many vicissitudes and hair-raising experiences. Unhappily, others are gone from our midst and will not return. It is to these latter that I would ask you now to turn your thoughts. Many warrant officers, non-commissioned officers and men are included in this number and each of us will think at this moment of those best known to him. For this reason and because of their number, I shall not attempt to name them all and to name some might be invidious, since, although a number were most outstanding, all gave of their best. But, on this family occasion, I feel that you would like me to recall the names of those who are missing from our Mess circle. The first to fall was (Major Henry) 'Glaxo' Hill, who, in the brief period before he was shot, set an example of cool courage which inspired us all. Young (Lieutenant Albert) Kipping, too, who had shown such keenness to be in the Battle, fell on the second day, shot whilst leading his Platoon. At Johannahoeve (Lieutenant) Donald Murray disappeared whilst leading his Platoon against the enemy in the darkness and no more has been heard of him. The popular Canadian (Lieutenant) Bunny Wayte, was, I believe, badly hit during the withdrawal from this locality and died later in hospital. Also about this time (Lieutenant) Jimmy Strang went missing and since then no news of him has been heard. (Lieutenant) Adam Hunter, known to have been hit, has also been missing since that time. The White House position as many of you know produced a heavy toll in dead and wounded. The debonair and gallant (Lieutenant) Jimmy Hunter was shot by a sniper here, as was (Lieutenant) Alec Crighton whilst establishing a forward observation post. (Lieutenant) Arthur Sharples received a severe wound and died later in hospital. In what we call the Battle of the White House (Major) Bill Cochran fell during the counter attack. In the final evacuation (Captain) Jimmy Dundas, having stuck it with great determination throughout, was hit and concussed by a shell and must be presumed killed. Finally, a serious loss not only to the Battalion but to the Regiment, there is (Major) John Coke - 'Corgi' - who, it now seems established, was shot and killed whilst attempting to escape from enemy hands. I need not say how much we miss them all, especially tonight, but I know there is not one of them who would wish this to cast any gloom over our celebrations. Rather, let us think of them in the words of R.L. Stevenson:

 

'Home is the sailor, home from the sea,

And the hunter is home from the hill'.

 

Gentlemen, I ask you to rise and drink in silence, to the fallen. May their memory never fade and the example remain our inspiration.

 

After the war had ended, the 2nd KOSB were withdrawn from Burma and Payton-Reid joined them in Peshawer, India, as their new commander, a post in which he passed two pleasant years until the battalion was disbanded. Having spent 33 years serving with the Kings Own Scottish Borderers, he retired in 1948 and moved to Essex. Always able to spare time for his old comrades, he frequently led the KOSB's on their annual pilgrimage to Holland. On the 1st November 1971, Robert Payton-Reid died at Witham, Essex, aged 74.

 

 

Much of this account has been based on Off At Last - An Illustrated History of the 7th (Galloway) Battalion The King's Own Scottish Borderers, by Robert Sigmond. Thanks also to Henriėtte Kuil-Snaterse.

 

See also: Sgt Barton.

 

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